Does the Aggravated Sentencing Regime under the Prevention of Organised Crime Act 121 of 1998 Violate Freedom of Association? A Constitutional and Comparative Analysis

by | Sep 19, 2021 | SLR, SLR V32 I2

Does the Aggravated Sentencing Regime under the Prevention of Organised Crime Act 121 of 1998 Violate Freedom of Association? A Constitutional and Comparative Analysis

Author: Delano Cole van der Linde

ISSN: 1996-2193
Affiliations: LLB LLM LLD (Stell), Senior Lecturer, Stellenbosch University
Source: Stellenbosch Law Review, Volume 32 Issue 2, 2021, p. 288 – 305
https://doi.org/10.47348/SLR/2021/i2a6

Abstract

In terms of section 10(3) of the Prevention of Organised Crime Act 121 of 1998 (“POCA”), a court may impose an aggravated sentence on a criminal offender if the offender was a gang member at the time of the commission of a crime. The court is entitled to apply section 10(3) to the sentencing of any common-law or statutory offence, save for the gang-related offences in Chapter 4 of POCA. As aggravated punishment is attached directly to a person’s status as a gang member, one must question whether such aggravated punishment does not violate the right to freedom of association in section 18 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Section 18 is an unqualified right and subject only to the limitations clause under section 36 of the Constitution. The purpose of this contribution is to investigate whether the associational freedom guaranteed by the Constitution may be limited in light of considerations under international law (such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms) as well as foreign law (specifically the United States and Germany). The consensus is, broadly speaking, that persons are nondeserving of associational protection where the conduct connected to such an association is criminal in nature. Increased criminal consequences are justifiable where a person’s unlawful conduct is also connected to their status and activity as a member of a criminal organisation. However, increased criminal consequences based merely on a person’s membership of a criminal organisation, as is the case in terms of section 10(3) of POCA, is considered arbitrary and irrational. The conclusion is that section 10(3) of POCA should be amended so that it applies only to crimes that are related to a convicted person’s gang-related activities.

A Doctrinal Assessment of the Insolvency Frameworks of African Countries in Coping with the Pandemic-Triggered Economic Crisis

by | Sep 19, 2021 | SLR, SLR V32 I2

A Doctrinal Assessment of the Insolvency Frameworks of African Countries in Coping with the Pandemic-Triggered Economic Crisis

Authors: Williams C Iheme and Sanford U Mba

ISSN: 1996-2193
Affiliations: LLB LLM SJD, Associate Professor of Law, Jindal Global Law School; Visiting Professor, Strathmore Law School; LLB LLM SJD, Senior Associate in the law firm Dentons ACAS-Law
Source: Stellenbosch Law Review, Volume 32 Issue 2, 2021, p. 306 – 329
https://doi.org/10.47348/SLR/2021/i2a7

Abstract

The COVID-19 pandemic has no doubt impacted all countries of the world. In its wake, it has left a trail of mortality and an economic crisis of immense proportions. As the virus continues to mutate and containment measures are introduced, the economic challenges posed by the pandemic continue to be felt by households and businesses. By arguing that times of economic crises provide an auspicious occasion for countries to rework their insolvency frameworks and their debt restructuring regimes, this article interrogates the existing debt restructuring regimes in both Kenya and Nigeria, as provided for in the Kenyan Insolvency Act 2015 and the Nigerian Companies and Allied Matters Act 2020, and considers the role of their statutes and institutions created to facilitate debt restructuring. The article further highlights key defects and proposes important and critical changes to these legal frameworks to ensure that they are sufficiently responsive to the pandemic-triggered crisis.

The Role of the Judiciary in Foreign Affairs To Be Duly Recognised, with Special Reference to the Supreme Court of the USA

by | Sep 19, 2021 | SLR, SLR V32 I2

The Role of the Judiciary in Foreign Affairs To Be Duly Recognised, with Special Reference to the Supreme Court of the USA

Author: Riaan Eksteen

ISSN: 1996-2193
Affiliations: BA BA (Hon) MA PhD; Senior Research Associate at the Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Johannesburg
Source: Stellenbosch Law Review, Volume 32 Issue 2, 2021, p. 330 – 361
https://doi.org/10.47348/SLR/2021/i2a8

Abstract

The judiciary’s influence on foreign affairs has been neglected for too long as the focus has been confined to the role of the two political branches – thus, a state-centrism orientation. Studies on foreign affairs confirm this omission. Hence, the question: what is the role of the judiciary in foreign affairs and what precisely is its influence? Consequential decisions by the Supreme Court of the United States (“SCOTUS”) underscore the extent of the court’s engagement with foreign policy-related issues. While the political branches of government most directly determine foreign-policy outcomes, the contribution of the court by way of its relevance and influence is no less significant. Its impact is incontrovertible. The executive can no longer assume that its actions in foreign affairs will not be scrutinised and evaluated constitutionally. Presidential decisions often stem from overreach, especially in matters with implications for foreign affairs. Over the years, it has become increasingly apparent that the President is not immune from rebuke. SCOTUS is the only constitutional interpreter and consequently a vital compass. The result is that the executive has to bend to the judiciary. The latter will not accommodate the former when its judicial mandate is to interpret the Constitution in order to make clear what the executive has decreed, however unpalatable that may be to the executive. The response by SCOTUS is no longer confined to single, isolated cases; it has become widespread. The court no longer shies away from displaying judicial power when it is faced with cases dealing with foreign affairs. What SCOTUS has declared unequivocally is that when the political branches are allowed to switch the Constitution on or off at will, this will lead to a regime in which the executive, and not SCOTUS, says what the law is. This article concludes that the recognition of this role of SCOTUS in foreign affairs is long overdue.

An Evaluation of the Legal Framework for Redressing Sexual Violence in the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria: Challenges and the Way Forward

by | May 30, 2021 | SLR, SLR V32 I1

An Evaluation of the Legal Framework for Redressing Sexual Violence in the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria: Challenges and the Way Forward

Author: Anita Nwotite

ISSN: 1996-2193
Affiliations: BL LLB LLM, Lecturer, Faculty of Law, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Nigeria
Source: Stellenbosch Law Review, Volume 32 Issue 1, 2021, p. 169 – 182
https://doi.org/10.47348/SLR/v32/i1a8

Abstract

Sexual violence is one of the human rights violations characterising the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. These violations include rape, sexual slavery and the abduction of women and girls by members of the insurgent group. Unfortunately, the emphasis has always been on the provision of humanitarian aid rather than redressing these violations. This article argues that although there are laws in place regulating sexual violence in Nigeria, these laws are inadequate in providing redress for the victims. Besides, the laws are rarely implemented to ensure a system of justice for victims, given the patriarchal and cultural antecedents of Nigeria. It is against this background that the article evaluates the legal framework for redressing sexual violence in the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria with a view to revealing the gap that exists therein. To achieve this aim, the article defines sexual violence and instances of such in the Boko Haram context. It also examines the legal framework for redressing sexual violence in Nigeria and the limitations of these laws in that regard. The article further considers the concept of redress and what it entails. Although the article adopts a legal approach, it is concluded that this approach is inadequate in addressing the issue at stake and that, in addition, a resort to extra-legal or other radical measures is needed. To address this challenge, the article among other things, recommends the eradication of cultural practices and negative values encouraging sexual violence; stipulation of a timeframe within which cases of sexual violence must be redressed; the appointment of an independent monitoring body to ensure the implementation of constitutional provisions in that regard; judicial independence; and advocacy by both civil society organisations and the media as tools to compel the relevant authorities to fulfil their responsibility to protect victims of sexual violence. This, it is submitted, will go a long way to address the vulnerability of Nigerian women and girls faced with sexual violence by insurgent groups.

The Unreported War: Tackling Denialism and Social Stigma towards Victims of Armed Conflict-Related Sexual and Gender-Based Violence

by | May 30, 2021 | SLR, SLR V32 I1

The Unreported War: Tackling Denialism and Social Stigma towards Victims of Armed Conflict-Related Sexual and Gender-Based Violence

Author: Ropafadzo Maphosa

ISSN: 1996-2193
Affiliations: LLB LLM (cum laude), Researcher at the South African Institute for Advanced Constitutional, Public, Human Rights and International Law, a centre of the University of Johannesburg
Source: Stellenbosch Law Review, Volume 32 Issue 1, 2021, p. 155 – 168
https://doi.org/10.47348/SLR/v32/i1a7

Abstract

In addressing the United Nations Security Council at its 7938th meeting, the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, Adama Dieng, said that the social stigma attached to sexual violence is integral to the logic of using sexual violence as a tactic, a method of war or even torture. The perpetrators of sexual crimes understand that sexual violence attacks one’s individual and collective identity and ostracises survivors, thus untying the strings of family and kinship that hold the very fabric of communities together. As a result, survivors of gender-based and sexual violence often find it difficult to cope with its social repercussions. This article will pursue a detailed discussion pertaining to the severe stigma suffered by survivors of conflict-related sexual violence and how this issue is not adequately addressed in international law. The risk faced by survivors is threefold: first by the action of the perpetrator, then by the reaction of society through stereotypical and patriarchal attitudes, and finally by the courts, which often are not only unresponsive but also perpetuate negative social norms and rape myths leading to double persecution. Due to a lack of evidence and other factors, such as patriarchy and social inequalities, the stigma associated with conflict-related sexual violence is manifested in court rooms through various rape myths about its survivors. Sexual violence is a gendered phenomenon, in that it is often linked to, and stems from, harmful social and traditional practices relating to perceptions of gender and power dynamics surrounding them. In times of conflict, prevalent power dynamics, and the practices linked to them, can be further exacerbated leading to a higher prevalence of sexual violence. Therefore, the core argument advanced in this article is the necessity of combatting stigma and rape myths, and to promote the reporting of sexual crimes by and access to justice for survivors.

The Collective Responsibility of Organised Armed Groups for Sexual and Gender-Based Violence during a Non-International Armed Conflict

by | May 30, 2021 | SLR, SLR V32 I1

The Collective Responsibility of Organised Armed Groups for Sexual and Gender-Based Violence during a Non-International Armed Conflict

Authors: Martha M Bradley & Aniel de Beer

ISSN: 1996-2193
Affiliations: LLB, LLM, LLD (UP), LLM (UCT), Lecturer, Department of Public Law, University of Pretoria. External Expert: Department of International and European Law, Centre for International Humanitarian and Operational Law, Palacký University, Olomouc, Czech Republic; BProc, MBA, LLM, LLD (UP), LLB (Stell), extraordinary lecturer, Department of Public Law, University of Pretoria. External Expert: Department of International and European Law, Centre for International Humanitarian and Operational Law, Palacký University, Olomouc, Czech Republic
Source: Stellenbosch Law Review, Volume 32 Issue 1, 2021, p. 129 – 154
https://doi.org/10.47348/SLR/v32/i1a6

Abstract

This contribution considers a possible legal framework for holding organised armed groups (“OAGs”) collectively responsible for acts of sexual and gender-based violence (“SGBV”) during non-international armed conflicts. It argues that a framework providing for collective as opposed to individual criminal responsibility of OAGs is essential. Certain sections of the Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts (“Articles on State Responsibility” or “ASR”) are used as a blueprint for achieving such a framework. In this regard, the concepts of international legal responsibility of OAGs, internationally wrongful acts and attribution are analysed in the context of crimes committed by OAGs. In conclusion, the article proposes future research in order to advance the prospect of collective claims and collective compensation for victims of SGBV.